Sack of Amorium

Sack of Amorium
Part of the Byzantine–Arab Wars
Date August 838
Location Amorium
Result City taken and razed by the Abbasids
Belligerents
Byzantine Empire Abbasid Caliphate
Commanders and leaders
Emperor Theophilos
Aetios
Caliph al-Mu'tasim
Afshin
Ashinas
Strength
30,000[1] 80,000[2]
Casualties and losses
30,000–70,000 military and civilian dead[3][4] Unknown

The Sack of Amorium by the Abbasid Caliphate in mid-August 838 was one of the major events in the long history of the Byzantine–Arab Wars. The Abbasid campaign was led personally by the Caliph al-Mu'tasim (reigned 833–842), in retaliation to a virtually unopposed expedition launched by the Byzantine emperor Theophilos (r. 829–842) into the Caliphate's borderlands the previous year. Mu'tasim targeted Amorium, a Byzantine city in western Asia Minor (modern Anatolia), because it was the birthplace of the ruling Byzantine dynasty and, at the time, one of Byzantium's largest and most important cities. The Caliph gathered an exceptionally large army, which he divided in two parts. The Abbasids penetrated deep into Byzantine-held Asia Minor, while the northern army defeated the Byzantine forces under Theophilos at Anzen. The Abbasid troops then converged upon Ancyra, which they found abandoned. After sacking the city, they turned south to Amorium, where they arrived on 1 August. Faced with intrigues at Constantinople and the rebellion of the large Khurramite contingent of his army, Theophilos was unable to aid the city.

Amorium was strongly fortified and garrisoned, but a traitor revealed a weak spot in the wall, where the Abbasids concentrated their attack, effecting a breach. Unable to break through the besieging army, the commander of the breached section privately attempted to negotiate with the Caliph. He left his post which allowed the Arabs to take advantage, enter the city and capture it. Amorium was systematically destroyed, never to recover its former prosperity. Many of its inhabitants were slaughtered, and the remainder driven off as slaves. Most of the survivors were released after a truce in 841, but prominent officials were taken to the Caliph's capital of Samarra and executed years later after refusing to convert to Islam, becoming known as the 42 Martyrs of Amorium.

The conquest of Amorium was not only a major military disaster and a heavy personal blow for Theophilos, but also a traumatic event for the Byzantines, its impact resonating in later literature. The sack did not ultimately alter the balance of power, which was slowly shifting in Byzantium's favour, but it thoroughly discredited the theological doctrine of Iconoclasm, ardently supported by Theophilos. As Iconoclasm relied heavily on military success for its legitimization, the fall of Amorium contributed decisively to its abandonment shortly after Theophilos's death in 842.

Contents

Background

By 829, when the young emperor Theophilos ascended the Byzantine throne, the Byzantines and Arabs had been fighting sporadically for almost two centuries. Theophilos was an ambitious man and a convinced adherent of Byzantine Iconoclasm, which prohibited the depiction of divine figures and the veneration of icons. He sought to bolster his regime and support his religious policies by military success against the Abbasid Caliphate, the Empire's major antagonist. Arab attacks continued unabated both in the East, where Caliph al-Ma'mun (r. 813–833) launched several large-scale raids, and in the West, in the progression of the Muslim conquest of Sicily.[7]

Seeking divine favour, and responding to iconophile plots against him, Theophilos reinstated active suppression of the iconophiles and other perceived "heretics" in June 833, including mass arrests and exiles, beatings and confiscations of property. In Byzantine eyes, God seemed indeed to reward this decision: al-Ma'mun died during the first stages of a new invasion against Byzantium, and his brother and successor al-Mu'tasim had trouble establishing his authority, especially against the ongoing rebellion of the Khurramite religious sect under Babak Khorramdin. This allowed Theophilos to achieve a series of modest victories, as well as to bolster his forces with some 14,000 Khurramite refugees under their leader Nasr, who was baptized a Christian and took the name Theophobos.[8] The emperor's successes in these years were not spectacular; nevertheless, they came after two decades of defeats and civil war under iconophile emperors. Theophilos was thus able to claim them as vindication for his religious policy and to associate himself with the memory of the iconoclast emperor Constantine V (r. 741–775) and his victories. In this spirit, he issued a new type of the copper follis coin, minted in huge numbers, which portrayed him as the archetypical victorious Roman emperor.[5][6]

In 837, Theophilos decided (at the urging of Babak) to take advantage of the Caliphate's preoccupation with the suppression of the Khurramite revolt and lead a major campaign against the frontier emirates. He assembled a very large army,a[›] some 70,000 fighting men and 100,000 in total according to al-Tabari, and invaded Arab territory around the upper Euphrates almost unopposed. The Byzantines took the towns of Sozopetra and Arsamosata, ravaged and plundered the countryside, extracted ransom from several cities in exchange for not attacking them, and defeated a number of smaller Arab forces.[9] While Theophilos returned home to celebrate a triumph, Mu'tasim, outraged by the perceived brazenness and brutality of the raids, began marshalling his forces for a reprisal. Not only had the Byzantines acted in open collusion with the Khurramite rebels; during the sack of Sozopetra—which some sources claim as Mu'tasim's own birthplaceb[›]—all male prisoners were executed and the rest sold into slavery, and some captive women were raped by Theophilos's Khurramites.[10][11]

A huge Arab army gathered at Tarsus; according to the most reliable account, that of Michael the Syrian, it numbered some 80,000 men with 30,000 servants and camp followers and 70,000 pack animals. Other writers give far larger numbers, ranging from 200,000 to 500,000 according to Al-Masudi.a[›][2][12] Unlike earlier campaigns, which did not go far beyond attacking the forts of the frontier zone, this expedition was intended to penetrate deep into Asia Minor, with the cities of Ancyra and Amorium as its targets. Amorium in particular was the intended prize, and the Caliph reportedly had the city's name written on the shields and banners of his soldiers. The capital of the powerful Anatolic Theme, the city was strategically located at the western edge of the Anatolian plateau and controlled the main southern route followed by the Arab invasions. At the time, Amorium was one of the largest cities in the Byzantine Empire, ranking in importance immediately after Constantinople. It was also the birthplace of Theophilos's father, Michael II the Amorian (r. 820–829), and perhaps of Theophilos himself.[2][13][14] Due to its strategic importance, the city had been a frequent target of Arab attacks in the 7th and 8th centuries, and Mu'tasim's predecessor Ma'mun was said to be planning to attack the city when he died in 833.[15]

Opening stages of the campaign: Anzen and Ancyra

The Caliph divided his force in two: 30,000 men under the capable general Afshin were sent to join forces with the Emir Omar al-Aqta and invade the Armeniac Theme, while the main army under the Caliph himself would invade Cappadocia through the Cilician Gates. A part of the Caliph's army was also detached as an advance guard, under the general Ashinas. The two forces would link up at Ancyra, before marching jointly on Amorium.[16][17] On the Byzantine side, Theophilos was soon made aware of the Caliph's intentions, and set out from Constantinople in early June. His army included men from the Anatolian and possibly also the European themes, the elite tagmata regiments, as well as the Khurramites. The Byzantines expected the Arab army to advance north to Ancyra after passing through the Cilician Gates and then to turn south toward Amorium, but it was also possible that the Arabs would march directly over the Cappadocian plain onto Amorium. Although his generals advised evacuation of the city, with the intention of rendering the Arabs' campaign objective void and keeping the Byzantine army undivided, Theophilos decided to reinforce the city's garrison, with Aetios the strategos of the Anatolics, and men from the tagmata of the Excubitors and the Vigla.[17][18]

With the rest of his army, Theophilos then marched to interpose himself between the Cilician Gates and Ancyra, camping on the south side of the river Halys. The two Arab armies crossed the border in late June, but Theophilos did not learn of Afshin's northern thrust until mid-July. He immediately left with most of his army, some 30,000 men according to Michael the Syrian, to confront the smaller Arab force. The emperor met Afshin's army in the Battle of Anzen on the plain of Dazimon on 22 July. Despite initial success, the Byzantine army broke and scattered, while Theophilos with his guard were encircled and barely managed to break through and escape.[14][19][20] Theophilos quickly began regrouping his forces and sent the general Theodore Krateros to Ancyra. Krateros found the city completely deserted, and was ordered to reinforce the garrison of Amorium instead. Theophilos himself was soon forced to return to Constantinople, where rumours of his death at Anzen had led to plots to declare a new emperor. At the same time, the Khurramites, gathered around Sinope, revolted and declared their reluctant commander Theophobos emperor. Luckily for the Empire, Theophobos maintained a passive stance and made no move to confront Theophilos or join Mu'tasim.[20][21] The Caliph's vanguard under Ashinas reached Ancyra on 26 July, followed by the other two forces over the next days. The inhabitants, who had sought refuge in some mines nearby, were discovered and taken captive by the Arabs. After plundering the deserted city, the united Arab army turned south towards Amorium.[20][22][23]

Siege and fall of Amorium

The Arabs marched in the three separate corps, with Ashinas in front, the Caliph in the middle, and Afshin bringing up the rear. Looting the countryside as they advanced, they arrived before Amorium seven days after their departure from Ancyra, and began their siege of the city on 1 August.[24] Theophilos, anxious to prevent the city's fall, left Constantinople for Dorylaion, and from there sent an embassy to Mu'tasim. His envoys, who arrived shortly before or during the first days of the siege, offered assurances that the atrocities at Sozopetra had been against the emperor's orders, and further promised to help rebuild the city, to return all Muslim prisoners, and to pay a tribute. The Caliph, however, not only refused to parley, but detained the envoys in his camp, so that they could observe the siege.[23][25][26]

The city's fortifications were strong, with a thick wall protected by 44 towers and a wide moat. Both besiegers and besieged had many siege engines, and for several days both sides exchanged missile fire. According to Byzantine accounts, however, an Arab prisoner who had converted to Christianity defected back to the Caliph, and informed him about a place in the wall which had been badly damaged by heavy rainfall and only hastily and superficially repaired. As a result, the Arabs concentrated most of their engines on this section, and after two days managed to breach the wall.[23][27] The Byzantines defended the breach, but their position became hopeless, and Aetios decided to try and break through the besieging army during the night and link up with Theophilos. The plan had to be abandoned, however, after his messages to the emperor were intercepted, while the Arabs stepped up their vigilance to prevent any sortie and intensified their attacks.[23][28]

After about two weeks of siege (the date is variously interpreted as 12, 13 or 15 August by modern writers[29]), Aetios sent an embassy under the city's bishop, offering to surrender Amorium in exchange for safe passage of the inhabitants and garrison, but Mu'tasim refused. The Byzantine commander Boiditzes, however, who was in charge of the breach section, decided to conduct direct negotiations with the Caliph on his own, probably intending to betray his own post. He went to the Abbasid camp, leaving orders for his men in the breach to stand down until his return. While Boiditzes parlayed with the Caliph, the Arabs came closer to the breach, and at a signal charged and broke into the city.[30] Taken by surprise, the Byzantines' resistance was sporadic: some soldiers barricaded themselves in a monastery and were burned to death, while Aetios with his officers sought refuge in a tower before being forced to surrender.[4][31]

The city was thoroughly sacked and plundered. The Byzantine chronicler Theophanes Continuatus mentions 70,000 dead, while the Arab al-Mas'udi records 30,000. The spoils from the sack as well as the surviving population were divided as slaves among the army, except for the city's military and civic leaders, who were reserved for the Caliph's disposal. After allowing Theophilos's envoys to return to him with the news of Amorium's fall, Mu'tasim burned the city to the ground, with only the city walls surviving relatively intact.[4][26][32]

Aftermath

Immediately after the sack, news reached the Caliph of a rebellion headed by his nephew, al-Abbas ibn al-Ma'mun. Mu'tasim was forced to cut short his campaign and return quickly to his realm, leaving intact the fortresses around Amorium as well as Theophilos and his army in Dorylaion. Taking the direct route from Amorium to the Cilician Gates, both the Caliph's army and its prisoners suffered many casualties in their forced march through the arid regions of central Anatolia. Many of the captives found the opportunity to escape, while some 6,000 were executed on Mu'tasim's orders.[4][33]

Theophilos sent a second embassy to the Caliph, headed by the tourmarches Basil, bearing gifts and an apologetic letter, and offering to ransom the high-ranking prisoners for 20,000 Byzantine pounds (about 6,500 kg) of gold[34] and to release all Arabs held captive by the Byzantines. In reply, Mu'tasim demanded the surrender of Theophobos and the Domestic of the Schools, Manuel the Armenian, who had some years ago deserted from Arab service. The Byzantine ambassador refused to comply to this and indeed could not, as Theophobos was in revolt and Manuel may have been dead. Instead, Basil handed over a second, much more threatening letter by Theophilos. Mu'tasim, angered by this, returned the emperor's gifts.[35]

The strategos Aetios was executed at about this time, perhaps, as the historian Warren Treadgold suggests, in retaliation to Theophilos's second letter.[36] Most of the captives were exchanged with Arab prisoners in a truce agreed in 841, but the other magnates and officers were exempt from this.[37] After years of captivity and no hope of ransom, they were urged to convert to Islam. When they refused, they were executed at Samarra on 6 March 845, and are celebrated in the Eastern Orthodox Church as the 42 Martyrs of Amorium.[38] Several tales also sprung up around Boiditzes and his betrayal. According to the legend of the 42 Martyrs, he converted to Islam, but was nevertheless executed by the Caliph alongside the other captives; unlike the others, however, whose bodies "miraculously" floated in the water of the river Tigris, his sank to the bottom.[39]

Impact

The sack of Amorium was one of the most devastating events in the long history of Arab raids into Anatolia. Theophilos reportedly fell ill soon after the city's fall, and although he recovered, his health remained in poor state until his death, three years later. Later Byzantine historians attribute his death before the age of thirty to his sorrow over the impact of the city's loss, although this is most likely a legend.[40][41] The fall of Amorium inspired several legends and stories, and can be traced in surviving literary works such as the Song of Armouris or the ballad Kastro tis Orias ("Castle of the Fair Maiden").[42] Arabs on the other hand celebrated the capture of Amorium, which became the subject of Abu Tammam's famous Ode on the Conquest of Amorium.[43]

In reality, the military impact on Byzantium was limited: outside the garrison and population of Amorium itself, the Byzantine field army at Anzen seems to have suffered few casualties, and the revolt of the Khurramite corps was suppressed without bloodshed the next year and its soldiers reintegrated into the Byzantine army. Ancyra was quickly rebuilt and reoccupied, as was Amorium itself, although it never recovered its former glory after the seat of the Anatolic theme was transferred to Polybotus. The Abbasids too failed to follow up on their success, and after Mu'tasim's death in 842, their state entered a prolonged period of decline.[14][40][44]

Thus the most long-term result of the fall of Amorium was in the religious rather than in the military sphere. According to Warren Treadgold, the imperial army's defeats at Anzen and Amorium were to a large degree the result of circumstance rather than actual incapability or inadequacy. In addition, the Byzantine campaign had suffered from Theophilos's overconfidence, both in his willingness to divide his forces in the face of greater Arab numbers and in his over-reliance on the Khurramites.[45] Neither this nor the reported treachery of Boiditzes could however disguise that this was "a humiliating disaster to match the worst defeats of any iconophile emperor" (Whittow), comparable in recent memory only to the crushing defeat suffered by Nikephoros I (r. 802–811) at Pliska. The loss of Amorium therefore thoroughly undermined the notion that iconoclasm brought divine favour and assured military victory. As Warren Treadgold writes, "the outcome did not exactly prove that Iconoclasm was wrong ... but it did rob the iconoclasts for all time of their most persuasive argument to the undecided, that Iconoclasm won battles". A little over a year after Theophilos's death, on 11 March 843, a synod restored the veneration of icons, and iconoclasm was declared heretical.[46]

Notes

^ a: The reported armies for both Theophilos' 837 expedition and Mu'tasim's retaliatory campaign are of unusual size. Bury and Treadgold accept the figures of Michael the Syrian as more or less accurate,[47] but other modern scholars are sceptical of such numbers. Medieval field armies were rarely more than 10,000 men strong, and both Byzantine and Arab military treatises and accounts suggest that armies usually numbered around 4,000–5,000. Even during the phase of continuous Byzantine military expansion in the late 10th century, Byzantine military manuals mention armies of 25,000 as exceptionally large and fit to be led by the emperor in person. By way of comparison, the total nominal military forces available to Byzantium in the 9th century have been estimated at circa 100,000–120,000. For a detailed survey, see Whittow 1996, pp. 181–193 and Haldon 1999, pp. 101–103.
^ b: The claim that Sozopetra or Arsamosata was Mu'tasim's native city is found only in Byzantine sources. This claim is dismissed by most scholars as a later invention, i.e. as a parallel to Amorium, the likely birthplace of Theophilos. It was probably deliberately added to balance and lessen the effect of the blow that the latter's fall represented.[48][49]

References

  1. ^ Treadgold 1988, pp. 414–415.
  2. ^ a b c Treadgold 1988, p. 297.
  3. ^ Ivison 2007, p. 31.
  4. ^ a b c d Treadgold 1988, p. 303.
  5. ^ a b Treadgold 1988, pp. 283, 287–288.
  6. ^ a b Whittow 1996, pp. 152–153.
  7. ^ Treadgold 1988, pp. 272–280.
  8. ^ Treadgold 1988, pp. 280–283.
  9. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 259–260; Treadgold 1988, pp. 286, 292–294.
  10. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 261–262; Treadgold 1988, pp. 293–295.
  11. ^ Kiapidou 2003, Chapter 1.
  12. ^ Bury 1912, p. 263 (Note #3).
  13. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 262–263; Kazhdan 1991, pp. 79, 1428, 2066.
  14. ^ a b c Whittow 1996, p. 153.
  15. ^ Bury 1912, p. 262; Kazhdan 1991, p. 79; Ivison 2007, p. 26.
  16. ^ Treadgold 1988, pp. 297, 299.
  17. ^ a b Kiapidou 2003, Chapter 2.1.
  18. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 263–264; Treadgold 1988, p. 298.
  19. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 264–265; Treadgold 1988, pp. 298–300.
  20. ^ a b c Kiapidou 2003, Chapter 2.2.
  21. ^ Treadgold 1988, pp. 300–302.
  22. ^ Bury 1912, p. 266.
  23. ^ a b c d Treadgold 1988, p. 302.
  24. ^ Bury 1912, p. 267.
  25. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 266–267.
  26. ^ a b Rekaya 1977, p. 64.
  27. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 267–268.
  28. ^ Bury 1912, p. 268.
  29. ^ Kiapidou 2003, Note 19.
  30. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 268–269; Treadgold 1988, pp. 302–303.
  31. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 269–270.
  32. ^ Ivison 2007, pp. 31, 53.
  33. ^ Bury 1912, p. 270; Kiapidou 2003, Chapter 2.3.
  34. ^ A Byzantine pound (litra), more specifically the logarikē or chrysaphikē type used for gold, was equivalent to between 319 and 324 grams (Kazhdan 1991, p. 1238).
  35. ^ Bury 1912, p. 272; Treadgold 1988, pp. 303–304.
  36. ^ Treadgold 1988, pp. 304, 445 (Note #416).
  37. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 273–274.
  38. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 271–272; Kazhdan 1991, pp. 79, 800–801.
  39. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 270–271.
  40. ^ a b Kiapidou 2003, Chapter 3.
  41. ^ Treadgold 1988, pp. 304, 415.
  42. ^ Christophilopoulou 1993, pp. 248–249.
  43. ^ Canard 1986, p. 449.
  44. ^ Bury 1912, pp. 273ff.; Kazhdan 1991, pp. 79–80, 2068; Treadgold 1988, pp. 304, 313–314.
  45. ^ Treadgold 1988, pp. 304–305.
  46. ^ Treadgold 1988, p. 305; Whittow 1996, pp. 153–154.
  47. ^ Bury 1912, p. 263 (Note #3); Treadgold 1988, p. 441 (Note #406).
  48. ^ Bury 1912, p. 262 (Note #6); Treadgold 1988, p. 440 (Note #401).
  49. ^ Kiapidou 2003, Note 1.

Sources